Can the Supreme Court make rulings that are unconstitutional?
While this question appears on the surface to be an oxymoron, it is in fact possible and has happened previously.
Our founding fathers set up principles that are supposed to set limits on each branch of government that would make it difficult or impossible for one branch to run the government in any way they see fit. For it to work properly each branch must exercise its authority under the Constitution. If one branch attempts to exercise powers not granted to them by the constitution the other branches must step in put a stop to it. If they do not, we end up with a constitution that means nothing and a dictatorship.
The Supreme Court’s powers are limited to making decisions based on the confines placed on them by the Constitution. If they make rulings based on their political or personal bias they violate their oath of office and damage the reputation of the court.
As Chief Justice Marshal said,
“The oath of office, too, imposed by the legislature, is completely demonstrative of the legislative opinion on the subject. It is in these words,
I do solemnly swear that I will administer justice without respect to persons, and do equal right to the poor and to the rich; and that I will faithfully and impartially discharge all the duties incumbent on me as according to the best of my abilities and understanding, agreeably to the constitution, and laws of the United States.
Why does a judge swear to discharge his duties agreeably to the constitution of the United States, if that Constitution forms no rule for his government? If it is closed upon him, and cannot be inspected by him?
If such be the real state of things, this is worse than solemn mockery. To prescribe, or to take this oath, becomes equally a crime.
Thus, the particular phraseology of the Constitution of the United States confirms and strengthens the principle, supposed to be essential to all written constitutions, that a law repugnant to the constitution is void; and that courts, as well as other departments, are bound by that instrument.”
A recent example of a perversion of the Constitution is the ruling regarding eminent domain that stated a private entity can take your property by order of the court if they can pay more taxes than you.
Fifth Amendment:
“No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the Militia, when in actual service in time of War or public danger; nor shall any person be subject for the same offense to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation.”
Kelo v. City of New London, 545 U.S. 469 (2005) was a case decided by the Supreme Court of the United States involving the use of eminent domain to transfer land from one private owner to another to further economic development. The case arose from the condemnation by New London, Connecticut, of privately owned real property so that it could be used as part of a comprehensive redevelopment plan which promised 3,169 new jobs and $1.2 million a year in tax revenues. The Court held in a 5–4 decision that the general benefits a community enjoyed from economic growth qualified such redevelopment plans as a permissible “public use” under the Takings Clause of the Fifth Amendment.
The city eventually agreed to move Susette Kelo’s house to a new location and to pay substantial additional compensation to other homeowners. The redeveloper was unable to obtain financing and abandoned the redevelopment project, leaving the land as an empty lot, which was eventually turned into a dump by the city.
On June 25, 2005, Justice Sandra Day O’Connor wrote the principal dissent, joined by Chief Justice William Rehnquist, Justice Antonin Scalia and Justice Clarence Thomas. The dissenting opinion suggested that the use of this taking power in a reverse Robin Hood fashion— take from the poor, give to the rich— would become the norm, not the exception:
“Any property may now be taken for the benefit of another private party, but the fallout from this decision will not be random. The beneficiaries are likely to be those citizens with disproportionate influence and power in the political process, including large corporations and development firms.”
She argued that the decision eliminates “any distinction between private and public use of property — and thereby effectively delete[s] the words ‘for public use’ from the Takings Clause of the Fifth Amendment.” 125 S.Ct. 2655, 2671
Clarence Thomas also penned a separate originalist dissent, in which he argued that the precedents the court’s decision relied upon were flawed and that “something has gone seriously awry with this Court’s interpretation of the Constitution.” He accuses the majority of replacing the Fifth Amendment’s “Public Use” clause with a very different “public purpose” test: “This deferential shift in phraseology enables the Court to hold, against all common sense, that a costly urban-renewal project whose stated purpose is a vague promise of new jobs and increased tax revenue, but which is also suspiciously agreeable to the Pfizer Corporation, is for a ‘public use.’
Justice can be sweet as the final cost to the city and state for the purchase and bulldozing of the formerly privately held property was a reported $78 million.
You did not have be a graduate of Harvard Law to understand that the Supreme Court over stepped its bounds and violated the Constitution. Four members of the Supreme Court disregarded the plain language of the Constitution and decided to expand government power beyond that which was permitted under the law. No one is required to obey an unlawful order. The legislature should have stopped any attempt to enforce this order. No common sense here!
The Court’s first decision declaring Executive Branch action to be unconstitutional, Little v Barreme (1804), called the Flying Fish case, involved an order by President John Adams, issued in 1799 during our brief war with France, authorizing the Navy to seize ships bound for French ports. The president’s order was inconsistent with an act of Congress declaring the government to have no such authorization. After a Navy Captain in December 1799 seized the Danish vessel, the Flying Fish, pursuant to Adams’s order, the owners of the ship sued the captain for trespass in U. S. maritime court. On appeal, C. J. Marshall rejected the captain’s argument that he could not be sued because he was just following presidential orders. The Court noted that commanders “act at their own peril” when they obey invalid orders–and the president’s order was outside of his powers, given the congressional action. The court should also recognize that should its rulings be judged unconstitutional by the legislature, no one is bound by its decisions. There is a two way street here. No judge is above the Constitution!
If Obama wins reelection it appears that he will have the opportunity to appoint two additional members of the Supreme Court. This could well prove to be the straw that breaks the back of our Republic. It is clear that Obama and his minions have intent to push this country and our society into a form of government not based on the Constitution or with coequal branches of government.
It is said, power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely. Sadly, the political elite has been in power so long that corruption has become the norm rather than the exception.
All governments stay in power based on the will of the people. History clearly shows us that governments can by force (passive or active) render the people’s will ineffective but over time the people will no longer tolerate oppression and rise up and take back their basic rights.
Presidential candidate Newt Gingrich is reported to have said, that the U.S. does not have to “tolerate radical, anti-American judges rewriting the American Constitution.”
I could not agree more.
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John, I’m not sure if I am one of the simple miednd racists to whom you refer, but I will pose the following question to you: If, as natives claim, the land (DCE) was surrendered to the Govt., but the money that was held in trust did not materialize to the extent promised, how much will it take before things are made even? The millions that are given them on a yearly basis as well as the benefits of living in this country; surely that must be accounted for as part, if not all of the payment.How long can they blame someone else for the living conditons on the reserve? I just came back from the states and, passing through a reserve there, the situation is the same. Apparently there is more than enough money bering sent there. So, when houses are half completed or run down, (and I realize not all are, but a far higher percentage than the rest of Canada) why does that become the fault of someone else?
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Stacey, this is why I complain. Natives claim not to want anhnyitg to do with us, because they are a sovreign nation. They thumb their noses at us, our laws, our country. All the while, they go to our schools, free, go to our hospitals, free, drive our roads, free, and the list goes on. Yet, no matter what we do to help, and whatever what way we bend over backwards to help, their social plight is our fault and therefor we should give them more while saying sorry. Perhaps that song and dance is getting old.Taken from Christie Blatchford in the National Post: “The per-capita costs of FN governments are huge, an average $17,000 compared to a per capita cost of $1,800 for all municipalities in the rest of Canada. And they have unparalleled numbers of politicians too, many of them full-time and on full salaries.”“Samson (reserve) has revenue from oil and gas royalties. In addition, aboriginal affairs records show that for the fiscal year ending March 31, 2010, Ottawa paid out a little more than $30-million in the usual monies to the band. That doesn’t count what Alberta may send Samson’s way. So why does all that money buy so little for the people in that run-down, impoverished place?”Kathryn Blaze Carlson, National Post: “The rejection of the Canadian identity and Canadian citizenship, however, does not come with the rejection of Canadian taxpayer dollars — whether it be in the form of so-called Indian Moneys, Band Employee Benefits, funding for social programs, treaty annuity payments, or the provision of ammunition, twine for nets, and a new suit for chiefs and councilors every three years. In the 2009-2010 fiscal year, the elected Mohawk Council of Akwesasne received more than $45 million in federal funds, not to mention provincial monies. Between 2001 and 2010, the band received roughly $390,000,000.”
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It looks to me that this web site doesnt download in a Motorola Droid. Are other folks getting the same issue? I enjoy this blog and dont want to have to skip it when Im gone from my computer.
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Seems to me that the context isn’t mainkg this a command to honor the emperor, but to honor others as we honor the emperor.To answer your questions, I think it applies to anyone in authority. But honoring has limitations. When someone (a person that is part of the everyone’ statement) speaks untruth, it is not dishonoring to respond with the truth.Let’s say you’re seated at a banquet table with people of great importance. All arise and the doors at the end of the room open, and in walks Jesus, taking His rightful seat at the head of the table.We should behave honorably, but what would you do if someone near you spoke ill of Jesus. Perhaps he calls Jesus a fake, a sham, a sinner. We should honor those around us by correcting the error, but we need not do it in an ill manner.